The paper discusses the differences between Eastern and Western Christians during the Middle Ages through the prism of the lists of ritual deviations and bad habits of the 'Latin heretics', which were circulated in Byzantium in the second half of the 12th century (following the Great Schism of 1054). The translations and revisions of these lists remained popular among the Orthodox Christians in the Balkans and Eastern Europe up until the end of the 17th century. Special attention has been given to the reception among the Slavs of two Byzantine accusations levelled on the westerners – (1) that their priests shave; (2) that they eat various 'unclean' animals and creatures. The examples of the peculiar mundanity of the religious dialogue and polemics analysed in the paper suggest that this was a trend resulting from the ambition of the Orthodox societies in the Balkans and Eastern Europe to strengthen through various means their ethnic and religious identity in the context of the fierce political and confessional confrontation with the Catholic world of Western Europe. Also highlighted is the need for the research of medieval polemical texts to embrace the archaeological, ethnological and folkloristic evidence, which would allow us to clarify the sources and trends in the development and transformation of the key features of the identity of Slavic Orthodox societies during the Middle Ages and Modernity.
The paper discusses the differences between Eastern and Western Christians during the Middle Ages through the prism of the lists of ritual deviations and bad habits of the 'Latin heretics', which were circulated in Byzantium in the second half of the 12th century (following the Great Schism of 1054). The translations and revisions of these lists remained popular among the Orthodox Christians in the Balkans and Eastern Europe up until the end of the 17th century. Special attention has been given to the reception among the Slavs of two Byzantine accusations levelled on the westerners – (1) that their priests shave; (2) that they eat various 'unclean' animals and creatures. The examples of the peculiar mundanity of the religious dialogue and polemics analysed in the paper suggest that this was a trend resulting from the ambition of the Orthodox societies in the Balkans and Eastern Europe to strengthen through various means their ethnic and religious identity in the context of the fierce political and confessional confrontation with the Catholic world of Western Europe. Also highlighted is the need for the research of medieval polemical texts to embrace the archaeological, ethnological and folkloristic evidence, which would allow us to clarify the sources and trends in the development and transformation of the key features of the identity of Slavic Orthodox societies during the Middle Ages and Modernity.
Статья посвящена проблеме международных санкций против российского государства в период позднего Средневековья. Автор указывает, что в поздний период Средних веков (в основном XVI в.) уже формируется понятие санкций как инструментария международной политики. В работе раскрываются этапы и причины формирования эмбарго и санкций передвижения на примере антироссийской политики Ганзейского союза и Испании, а также анализируются ответные действия русского государства. В статье акцентируется деятельность Ивана IV по предотвращению международной изоляции Московского царства в XVI в. и политика Великого Новгорода по отношению к Ганзейскому торговому союзу. ; The article is devoted to the problem of international sanctions against the Russian state in the late medieval period. The author notes that in the late Middle Ages (mostly XVI century) there is an understanding of sanctions as an international political instrument. The article reveals stages and causes for the embargo and sanctions taking an example of anti-Russia policy of the Hanseatic League and Spain, analyzing the reciprocal acts of the Russian state. The article pays attention to the activities of Tsar Ivan the IV on prevention of the international isolation of the Moscow Kingdom in the XVI century, and the policy of the Novgorod the Great towards the Hanseatic League.
Автор делает вывод, что принимать Великую хартию вольностей за первый конституционный закон и делать ее эталоном республиканизма в новоевропейском смысле следует с определенными оговорками. Тем не менее отрицать значимость средневекового конституционализма в формировании политических институтов Нового времени также было бы опрометчиво. ; Author concludes that the consideration of the Magna Carta as the first constitutional law and the standard of Republicanism in the modern sense should be with certain reservations. However, to deny the significance of medieval constitutionalism in the formation of the political institutions of modern times also would be incorrect.
Основная проблематика статьи связь советского и постсоветского этапов развития России в XX в. Современная, постсоветская Россия продолжает сохранять, в той или иной степени, архетипы советской цивилизации: мифологизм, ограничение свободы, тотальный контроль над общественной жизнью, сервилизм части интеллигенции, утопизм социальных программ, отрыв правящей элиты (политической и бизнесэлиты) от общества. ; The key problem of the paper is the relationship between the Soviet and post-soviet stages in the development of Russia in XX century. Modern post-soviet Russia keeps to follow, to the more or less degree, the archetypes of the Soviet civilization: mythologism, individual freedom restrictions, total control over social life, servility of some of the intelligentsia, utopianism of social programs and isolation of the ruling elite (both political and business) from the society.
В статье рассматриваются спорные вопросы происхождения «Истории вкратце» Авраамия Палицына, в частности, проблемы датировки и определения источников крупнейшего памятника русской публицистики начала XVII в.In the article the consideration is given to the moot points of the origin of "A Brief History" by Avraamy Palitsyn, particularly to the problems of dating and establishing the sources of the greatest work of the Russian political writing of the early 17th century.
The article deals with Bergman's dramatic search in addressing the theater through the figures of August Strindberg and Henrik Ibsen, the dialogue between Bergman's cinematic style and Edvard Munch's canvases, as well as the influence of medieval and Renaissance motifs on the creation of the film «The Seventh Seal» and its visual solution. Remaining the last modernist in the history of cinema, Ingmar Bergman demonstrates in his films the vast marginalities of intertext, wandering in their diversity from theater productions to monumental painting. This study has a strong tendency to combine art forms into integral complexes, at the intersection of which an additional semantic context arises, expanding and deepening the understanding of each element. Its basis was the search for interconnections and parallel comparison of Bergman's cinema with other art forms. The extensive illustrative content of the article makes it possible to analyze and compare not only emerging thought forms, but also specific compositional, stylistic, and artistic decisions in Bergman's filmography. Thus, the possibility of a horizontal reading of motives makes it possible to place the emphasis not on Bergman himself, but on what is around him, in the semantic field of his idea and the content of the embodiment of this idea.
В статье дается описание буддийских текстов из разряда литературы Праджняпарамиты, которые хранятся в Научном архиве Тувинского института гуманитарных и прикладных социально-экономических исследований при Правительстве Республики Тыва.
Вводятся в научный оборот описания рукописей и ксилографических изданий таких сочинений, как «Алмазная сутра» или «Ваджраччхедика» (тиб. 'phags pa shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa rdo rje gcod pa zhes bya ba theg pa chen po'i mdo), «Сутра сердца бхагавати праджняпарамита хридая» (тиб. bcom ldan 'das ma shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa'i snying po bzhugs so), «Праджняпарамита в 8000 строф (шлок)» (тиб. 'phags pa shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa brgyad stong pa bzhugs so) и др. Важность данных сутр в традиции махаяны неизменна и на сегодняшний день. Об этом свидетельствуют комментарии как высоких традиционных учителей буддизма, так и ученых-буддологов нашего времени.
Среди текстов описываемой коллекции встретились также сокращенные версии, относящиеся к т. н. «сакральным формулам», краткие извлечения из текстов в составе сборников и подборок. Суть учения о запредельной мудрости праджняпарамиты (тиб. shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa) — познание пустотности явлений — представляет интерес как для практиков традиции, так и для ученых-философов, антропологов, культурологов и специалистов др. дисциплин.
Рассмотренные источники занимают важное место в истории распространения буддизма в регионах России (Тува, Бурятия, Калмыкия) и Монголии. Тексты праджняпарамиты являлись обязательным атрибутом буддийских храмов.
В статье поднимаются проблемы взаимосвязи национальной идеи и государственной идеологии. С этих позиций уточнены определения понятий «национальная идея», «национальный идеал», «государственная идеология» и описаны три принципиально различные исторические модели государственной идеологии в России допетровского, имперского и советского периодов. При рассмотрении комплекса проблем, связанных с формированием национальных идеалов в современный период особое внимание уделяется сфере образования и воспитания. ; Recently, we have seen a marked increase in interest of social scientists, journalists, politicians and the broad group of Russian citizens to searching and justification of the national idea and state ideology. These two interrelated concepts are the subjects of my research, for analyzing which I use comparative, historical, structural and functional, and system methods. For my research goals, I suggest a few definitions. I define national idea as a 'single' essence of a particular nation and its government in this historic development context. Under such approach, national ideal is formulated as a perfect image of the future of this nation and its state, which crystallizes universal and specific national characteristics, features, quality and the most perfect rational unit of civil and political life. Finally, I define state ideology as a prescribed system of postulates, rules, values, united by the key idea, which gives a very clear understanding to the majority of citizens about the existence of Russia and justification of geopolitical, economic reasons, the determinants of the Russian state unity within the present territory of the real historical context. I distinguish three fundamentally distinct models of state ideology in Russian political history. In the period before Peter the Great, there was the specific ideology of the feudal-monarchist-communal state with idea of the organic unity of the Orthodox religion, and way of life of the local agro-production process. In an empire era, ideology of centralized autocratic states, which based on the idea of an organic combination of national Orthodox monarchism (authoritarianism) and local democracy dominated. Ideology of the Soviet Union I define as pseudo-communist etatistic state aimed at centralized mass non-economic forcing to accelerated realization of certain (primarily economic) models of ideal social order. I suppose deep essence of the modern stage it is a hidden support of the political elite in Russia etatistic idea of formation the economy by strengthening the state base in terms of conservation in public and on the mental levels of the key features of the Soviet system. One of the main conclusions of my article is following: throughout the history of the Russian state, ideology played the role of one of 'braces' for Russian huge and multi-layer state space. However, today there is not really any new idea, which expresses the essence of nation in Russian society in the modern conditions. State-construction goals require the development of such idea, and the necessary condition for this is organic combination of ideological construction and the actual state of the state and society, because the actual working state strategy reflects the actually existing in this society interests and values. I also formulate another important conclusion: the need for a radical strengthening of the educational component in the Russian education system because now its place is occupied by foreign actors through its educational programs being implemented in the consciousness of the Russian youth western values and attitudes that undermine trust and love for the Fatherland.
The paper dwells on the role of intelligentsia in the processes of Gorbachevs «perestroika» (reconstruction) and during the first period of Yeltsin Presidency observing the interaction of social processes and tendencies that are traced back to pre-revolutionary Russia, Stalins epoch, Khrushchevs «thaw», Brezhnevs stagnation, thus scrutinizing the interrelations of the Soviet and the socialist during the late stages of the USSR and after the Union disintegration. The author scrutinizes ideological positions of different fractions of the educated community (from conservative to reformative ones), the degree of their proximity to or distance from the power. The main attention in the article is paid to intelligentsia withdrawal from the most important alternative «democratic way authoritarian way» and on their persistent counterposing the Communist danger to anti-Communist (but not always in everything democratic) opposition, and hence unconditional support for Yeltsin in his withstanding the Communists. The intelligentsia who had entered the power used to explain the failure of liberalization by the peoples unpreparedness to democratic regime. The idea of a prolonged modernizational transition to the future democracy through adopted now in this or that way authoritarianism has won. ; The paper dwells on the role of intelligentsia in the processes of Gorbachevs «perestroika» (reconstruction) and during the first period of Yeltsin Presidency observing the interaction of social processes and tendencies that are traced back to pre-revolutionary Russia, Stalins epoch, Khrushchevs «thaw», Brezhnevs stagnation, thus scrutinizing the interrelations of the Soviet and the socialist during the late stages of the USSR and after the Union disintegration. The author scrutinizes ideological positions of different fractions of the educated community (from conservative to reformative ones), the degree of their proximity to or distance from the power. The main attention in the article is paid to intelligentsia withdrawal from the most important alternative «democratic way authoritarian way» and on their persistent counterposing the Communist danger to anti-Communist (but not always in everything democratic) opposition, and hence unconditional support for Yeltsin in his withstanding the Communists. The intelligentsia who had entered the power used to explain the failure of liberalization by the peoples unpreparedness to democratic regime. The idea of a prolonged modernizational transition to the future democracy through adopted now in this or that way authoritarianism has won.
Одна из богатейших обрядовых, текстологических и иконографических традиций сложилась вокруг культа Белого старца. Широкая распространенность и значимость культа делают его особым феноменом религиозно-духовной культуры монгольских народов.
В статье дан обзор монгольских текстов молитв-сангов и «Сутры Белого старца» из фондов Национального музея им. Алдан-Маадыр Республики Тыва. В рукописном фонде музея находится одиннадцать рукописей, из которых нам удалось ознакомиться с пятью текстами. Рукописи из Тувы представляют интерес и как региональная традиция культа Белого старца, так и с точки зрения текстологии.
Одной из особенностей графики текстов из Тувы является то, что в большинстве текстов графема š во всех позициях отмечена короной (титм), что является характерным признаком «ясного письма».
The paper considers a group of medieval statues with traces of processing along the entire length, but without hands and feet, which makes them similar to ancient herma. Hairstyles, headdresses and pectoral decorations depicted on them are similar to the costume details depicted on full-figure statues that are associated with the Cumans. At the same time, some elements of the costume cannot be understood without knowing how these elements were depicted on full-figure statues. Medieval sculptures played an important role in the funerary and post-burial rites of the nomads, and thought to be "substitutes" of the deceased. Probably, during the rituals, the clothes of the deceased were put on hermetic statues, and the sleeves replaced the missing image of the hands. Unusual is the absence or a schematic representation of the vessel on the herma-shaped sculptures, since the vessel is interpreted as the "receptacle of the soul" of the deceased ancestor. Apparently, this is due to changes in the religious worldview of the nomads as a result of socio-political upheavals in society. All of this points to the late dating of the herma-shaped sculptures. They probably appeared in the second half of the 13th century along with the influx of a new population and continued to exist until the beginning of the 14th century, when Islam replaced pagan rites among the nomads of the Eastern European steppes.
В статье предпринята попытка полемически оспорить основные методологические подходы к вопросам спецификации политики и власти, разрабатываемые и продвигаемые авторским коллективом монографии "Господство против политики: российский случай. Эффективность институциональной структуры и потенциал стратегий политических изменений" (М.: Политическая энциклопедия, 2019). Оценка данной работы в целом позитивна. Вместе с тем авторы монографии используют в качестве когнитивного основания для характеристики современного пространства политики и власти аристотелевско-арендтовскую парадигму, несущую в себе зримые признаки исторической и теоретической усталости. В рамках полемики с авторами монографии в статье отмечается, что колонизация неформальными сетями правящей элиты официальных структур и институтов власти в современном государстве все чаще ограничивает инструментарий публичной политики при принятии государственных решений. Высказываются предположения об основных тенденциях эволюции взаимоотношений элитарных и неэлитарных слоев в современном государстве и о дальнейшем сужении социального пространства для "политики граждан".
Дана характеристика политической газетной коммуникации через призму новостного текста как базового элемента данной коммуникации. Обозначены теоретические проблемы, связанные с интерпретацией новостного материала, представлена структура информационного пространства новостного текста политического характера, описаны фоновая и ситуативная составляющие информации, приведены примеры каждого из обозначенных параметров. Установлено, что каждый элемент информационно-тематической организации новостного текста оказывает воздействие на реципиента. ; The characteristic is given of newspaper political communication through a prism of the text from news as a basic element of this communication. The theoretical problems connected with interpretation of the material from news are designated. The paper presents the structure of information space of the political text from news, background and situational components of in-formation and gives examples of each of the designated parameters. It is inferred that each ele-ment of the information and thematic organization of the text from news makes impact on the recipient.
